top of page

Why some people can't tell left from right

By Kelly Oakes12th January 2023

It can seem like an almost childish mistake, but a surprising number of adults confuse left from right and scientists are only just starting to understand why.

W

When British brain surgeon Henry Marsh sat down beside his patient's bed following surgery, the bad news he was about to deliver stemmed from his own mistake. The man had a trapped nerve in his arm that required an operation – but after making a midline incision in his neck, Marsh had drilled out the nerve on the wrong side of his spinal column.

Preventable medical mistakes frequently involve wrong-sided surgery: an injection to the wrong eye, for example, or a biopsy from the wrong breast. These "never events" – serious and largely preventable patient safety accidents – highlight that, while most of us learn as children how to tell left from right, not everyone gets it right.

While for some people, telling left from right is as easy as telling up from down, a significant minority – around one in six people, according to a recent study – struggle with the distinction. Even for those who believe they have no issues, distractions such as ambient noise, or having to answer unrelated questions, can get in the way of making the right choice.

ADVERTISEMENT

"Nobody has difficulty in saying [something is] front and back, or top and bottom," says Ineke van der Ham, professor of neuropsychology at Leiden University in the Netherlands. But telling left from right is different, she says. "It's because of the symmetry, and because when you turn around, it's the other way around, and that makes it so confusing." 

Left-right discrimination is actually quite a complex process, calling upon memory, language, visual and spatial processing, and mental rotation. In fact, researchers are only just beginning to get to the bottom of exactly what's going on in our brains when we do it – and why it's much easier for some people than others.

Former US President Donald Trump was briefly flummoxed when leaders were asked to cross hands at a summit in the Philippines in 2017 (Credit: AFP/Getty Images)

HOW BEING LEFT-HANDED CHANGES YOUR BRAIN

 

Around one in 10 people are left-handed, and studies on twins have shown that genetics has a role to play. A study at the University of Oxford recently revealed four regions in human DNA that seem to play a role in determining if someone is left or right handed.

Those who were left-handed were found to have "mutations" in four genes that code for the body's cytoskeleton – the complex scaffolding that sits within cells to help organise them. Scans of people with these mutations showed that the white matter in their brains had a different structure. The left and right sides of the brains of left-handed people were also better connected than in right-handed people.

"Some individuals can tell right from left innately, just can do it without thinking," says Gerard Gormley, a GP and clinical professor at Queen's University Belfast in Northern Ireland. "But others have to go through a process." In an effort to understand what happens in wrong-sided medical errors, Gormley and his colleagues have conducted research on medical students' experience of making left-right decisions and examined the process.

"First of all, you have to orient right from left in yourself," he says. When the answer doesn't come instantly, participants described various techniques, from making an L shape with their thumb and index finger, to thinking about which hand they use to write, or strum a guitar. "For some people it's a tattoo on their body or a piercing," Gormley says.

Then, when figuring out which side is someone else's left or right, the next step is mentally rotating yourself so you're facing in the same direction as the other person. "If I'm facing you, my left hand will be opposite your right hand," says Gormley. "That idea of mentally rotating an object adds an extra degree of complexity." Other research shows that people tend to find it easier to judge if an image shows a left or right hand by imagining their own hand or body rotating.

Research published by Van der Ham and her colleagues in 2020 found that around 15% of people rate themselves as insufficient when it comes to identifying left and right. Almost half of the four hundred participants in the study said they used a hand-related strategy to identify which is which.

The more asymmetrical someone's body is – in terms of writing hand preference, for example – the easier they find it to tell left and right apart

The researchers used something called the Bergen right-left discrimination test to dig deeper into how these strategies work. Participants looked at pictures of stick people either facing toward or away from them, with their arms in various positions, and had to identify their highlighted hand as their left or right. "It seems simple, but it's kind of frustrating if you have to do a hundred of these as quickly as you can," says Van der Ham.

In the first experiment, the participants sat with their hands on a table in front of them. "There was a very clear effect from how this little stick figure was positioned," says Van der Ham. "If you were looking at the back of the head, so it was aligned with you, people were a lot faster and more accurate." Similarly, when the stick person was facing the participant but had their hands crossed, so their left hand was on the same side as the participant's left hand, people tended to do better.

"That tells us that the body really is involved in this," says Van der Ham. The next question was whether participants were using cues from their body at the time of the test to identify left and right, or referring to a stored idea of their body instead.

To answer that, the researchers repeated their experiment, but this time tested four different scenarios: participants sat with their hands either crossed or uncrossed on the table in front of them, and had their hands either visible during the test, or covered with a black cloth.

But the researchers found that none of those changes influenced test performance. In other words, participants didn't need to actually see their hands in order to use their own body to distinguish right from left.

"We haven't completely solved the issue," says Van der Ham. "But we were able to identify our bodies as being a key element in identifying left from right, and that we consult our body representation as we have it in a more static way."

Mistakes made during medical procedures due to left-right errors have led some surgeons to take extra steps to ensure they operate in the right place (Credit: Tommy London/Alamy)

In Van der Ham's experiments, the boost in performance that came from being in line with the stick person was more pronounced in people who said they use a hand-related strategy to tell left from right in their daily lives, as well as in women generally. The researchers also found that men tended to be faster in responding than women, but the data did not back up previous research showing that men perform better overall in left-right discrimination tests.

You might also like:

Exactly why people differ in their ability to tell left from right isn't clear, though research suggests that the more asymmetrical someone's body is (in terms of writing hand preference, for example) the easier they find it to tell left and right apart. "If one side of your brain is slightly larger than the other, you tend to have a better right-left discrimination," says Gormely.

But it could also be something that we learn in childhood, like other aspects of spatial cognition, says Van der Ham. "If kids are in charge of finding the way around, if you just let them walk in front of you for a couple of metres and make the decisions, those are the kids that ended up being better navigators," she says.

Research by Alice Gomez and colleagues at the Lyon Neuroscience Research Center in France hints that left-right discrimination is something that children can pick up quickly. Gomez designed a two-week intervention programme, delivered by teachers, designed to increase five-to-seven-year-olds' body representation and motor skills.

When they were tested on their ability to locate the correct body part on themselves or a partner – their right knee, for example – after the programme, the number of left-right discrimination errors were almost halved. "It was very easy for us to increase the abilities of children to be able to locate the [body part] on the basis of the name," says Gomez.

One reason for this might be that the children were taught a strategy – to think about their writing hand – for when they couldn't remember right and left. The programme's focus on children's own bodies is another possible explanation, especially as other research shows that an egocentric reference frame is key when we make left-right decisions.

In a typical classroom, children might label body parts on a diagram rather than their own bodies, because the latter is more time-consuming and difficult to assess for a teacher, says Gomez. "It's very rare that they will have the time to be egocentric," she says.

Most of us can distinguish up and down intuitively, but working out left from right can take more mental gymnastics (Credit: Alamy)

While there are plenty of everyday scenarios where knowing left from right is important, there are some situations where it's absolutely critical. Brain surgeon Marsh was able to put right his wrong-sided trapped nerve surgery – but a surgeon removing the wrong kidney or amputating the wrong limb, for example, would have devastating consequences.

Medicine is not the only field where left-right errors can make the difference between life and death: it's possible that a steersman turning the ship right instead of left was a contributing factor in the sinking of the Titanic.

But while some people have to put in more effort to judge left and right, everybody has the ability to get left-right decisions wrong, says Gormley. He hopes that more awareness of how easy it is to make such a mistake will lead to less stigma for those who need to double check their decision.

"As health care professionals, we spend a lot of time labelling spatial orientations: proximal, distal, superior, inferior, but really pay no attention to right or left," he says. "But actually, of all the spatial orientations, that is the most challenging."

--

Here's the complete article we excerpted in the March 2023

PeggyJudyTime Newsletter. Trees communicate and cooperate through a fungal web, according to a widespread idea. But not everyone is convinced

"The tips of tree roots are intertwined with filaments of fungus, forming a hidden underground network that seems to benefit both organisms: the filaments, known as hyphae, break down minerals from the soil that trees can then take into their roots, while the fungus gets a steady source of sugar from the trees. More poetically, research has hinted that these connections—known as mycorrhizal networks—can extend between trees, enabling one tree to transfer resources belowground to another. Some researchers even argue that trees are cooperating, with older trees passing resources to seedlings and nurturing them as a parent might." "This idea of forests as cooperative, caring places has caught on both in the scientific literature and popular culture, notably in the 2022 book Finding the Mother Tree: Discovering the Wisdom of the Forest, by forest ecologist Suzanne Simard of the University of British Columbia. There is even a punny popular name for the phenomenon: the “wood-wide web.”'

"A new analysis published in Nature Ecology & Evolution, however, argues that the evidence for mycorrhizal networks facilitating tree cooperation is not as strong as the popular story would suggest. It’s not that relationships between trees and fungi don’t exist, says co-author Justine Karst, an ecologist who studies mycorrhizal networks at the University of Alberta. Rather, in many cases, suggestive evidence or studies with many caveats have been taken as more definitive than they really are. “We don’t want to kill anyone’s joy or curiosity or wonder about the forest, but we just want to tamp down on some of the misinformation,” Karst says."

"The problem with researching mycorrhizal networks is that they’re very delicate: dig up a root, and you’ve destroyed the very web of fungi and wood you wanted to study. That makes it hard to tell if a particular fungus is really connecting any two trees. The best way to get around the problem is to sample fungi from different locations, sequence their genetic information, and make a map of where genetically identical fungi are growing. This is a tremendous amount of work, Karst says, and she and her co-authors could find only five such studies across just two forest types, comprising only two tree species and three types of fungi."

"Making these studies even more challenging is the ephemeral nature of fungal networks. Fungi can grow as individuals after being split, says Melanie Jones, a plant biologist at the University of British Columbia and a co-author of the new analysis. Even genetic samples provide only a snapshot and can’t reveal whether the bits of fungi collected at two different trees are still actually connected. They may have been severed by part of the fungus dying or by something taking a bite out of it. “It’s a very thorny issue,” Jones says."'

"These limitations raise questions about how widespread mycorrhizal networks are, and how long they last. It is clear that substances from one tree can end up being taken up by a neighboring tree in the forest. Researchers can test this by providing one tree with a chemical compound tagged with a certain marker. In a 2016 study in a Swiss forest, researchers sprayed some trees’ leaves with a particular isotope of carbon and found that isotope showed up in unsprayed neighbors. However, it’s not clear that fungi are necessarily responsible for this transfer, Jones says. Resources can also move directly root-to-root and through the soil, and it’s very difficult to separate out those pathways in a real forest. Researchers try to set up barriers between trees so that fungal hyphae and roots can’t connect them, leaving only the soil pathway as a possible means of transmission. But these barriers themselves (usually made of fine mesh) can affect tree growth, complicating the picture."

"To test the effect of mycorrhizal networks, researchers also often set up wide-mesh barriers, allowing fungi but not tree roots through. But Karst and Jones contend that in such cases, some researchers have rarely checked to make sure a connected mycorrhizal network has actually formed. The strongest evidence for trees sending resources via fungal pathways versus roots or soil came from one 2008 study in which mesh was used to allow only fungus, but not roots, to connect Ponderosa pine seedlings to older pines in a real forest, Karst and Jones say. The researchers then cut several older pines and treated the cut trunks with dyed water. The dye showed up in the seedlings, despite the lack of connections between roots, indicating that fungal hyphae had done the transfer."


"That is suggestive of trees transferring water, Jones says, but still leaves open the question: Does any of this matter for the seedlings? If mycorrhizal networks have evolved to allow older trees to help their younger kin survive, the resource transfer must improve seedling survival. There, too, Karst and Jones claim some of the evidence is shaky. “In the really well-controlled experiments, less than 20 percent show that the seedlings performed better,” Jones says. In the remaining 80 percent, she adds, the hyphae-connected seedlings performed either equivalently or worse than the ones cut off from the fungal network."

"Meanwhile, the idea that trees send underground warnings to one another about herbivorous insects or other dangers is predicated on a single greenhouse study in which a Douglas fir and a Ponderosa pine were connected only by fungal networks. When researchers stressed the Douglas fir by exposing it to insects, the Ponderosa pine also started pumping out defense chemicals. However, the effect disappeared when the firs and pines were connected by both roots and fungi, which is what happens in the wild. “The main message is that this hasn’t been tested in a forest,” Karst says. “When you see those pictures of ancient forests, big trees and they’re passing signals to each other, it just hasn’t been tested.” "The idea of forests as cooperative, rather than competitive, also conflicts with the fundamentals of natural selection, says Kathryn Flinn, a plant community ecologist at Baldwin Wallace University in Ohio, who was not involved in the new analysis. The argument for cooperation is that trees in a healthy forest survive better than trees in a sickly one, but such instances of group natural selection are rare in the wild, Flinn says. And in forests, individual selection favors competition, with particular trees vying for resources in a way that would prevent any group benefits. “I find this whole controversy really interesting because it’s an example of people wanting to project their own values onto nature and or wanting to see in nature a model for human behavior,” Flinn says."

Simard, whose research on forests has provided much of the basis for the arguments that trees cooperate, declined to answer specific questions about the new analysis but said in a statement that she stands by her research. “Forests provide crucial support to life on our planet. Reducing ecosystems to their individual parts hinders us from understanding and appreciating the emergent relationships and behaviors that make these complex ecological systems thrive,” she says. “For decades, a compartmentalized approach has hindered us from better understanding why forests help regulate global climate and harbor such rich biodiversity. Applying reductionist science to complex systems accelerates the exploitation and degradation of forests worldwide.” "Karst, Jones and their study co-author Jason Hoeksema of the University of Mississippi agreed that a reductionist view of the forest—in which individual parts of the network are tested individually rather than in context—is not the only way to study ecology. However, these reductionist studies have been used to make big claims about mycorrhizal networks, they said, adding that they wanted to focus their analysis on what the results really showed. They limited their analysis to studies conducted in real forests, they said, because these are most relevant to the real world."

"Karst says that she and her colleagues are not intending to put a chill on research in this area, but to push it into new types of forests and encourage investigation of the most promising areas, such as water transfer between trees. For her part, Karst believes there may still be truth to the idea that mycorrhizal networks are involved in at least some tree-to-tree networking, and better-designed experiments could get at that truth. “I want to have another go at it,” Karst says." Stephanie Pappas is a freelance science journalist.


by Bill Hathaway, Yale University "Although not as romantic as the first dance floor encounter, a new Yale study was able to chart this surprisingly widespread neuronal response in multiple brain areas when the eyes of two individuals meet and social gaze interaction happens, researchers report May 10 in the journal Neuron."

"There are strong robust signals in the brain that are signatures of an interactive social gaze," said Yale's Steve Chang, associate professor of psychology and neuroscience, a member of the Wu-Tsai Institute and the Kavli Institute for Neuroscience, and the senior author of the study.


The phenomenon of extracting meaning in the gaze between two people has been documented in art and literature for millennia but scientists have had a difficult time uncovering how the brain accomplishes such a subtle feat. They have extensively studied the neurobiology of social perception, usually by giving brain scans to individuals as they are presented with specific static images, such as angry or happy faces or direct or averted gazes. However, the interactions of two individual minds as they dynamically and reciprocally extract information from each other's eyes are difficult to tackle.

Chang's lab overcame this obstacle by monitoring the brain activity of monkeys while simultaneously tracking the eye positions of two animals. This enabled them to record a large array of neurons as the animals spontaneously gazed at each other.

"They were spontaneously engaging in social interactions while we examined neural firing," Chang said. "Importantly, we were not imposing any tasks, so it was up to them to decide how and when they would interact." They found that specific sets of socially tuned neurons fired across multiple brain regions at different times during mutual eye contact. For instance, one set of neurons fired when one individual initiated mutual eye contact, but not when that individual followed the other's gaze. Another set of neurons were active when the monkeys were in the process of deciding whether to complete mutual eye contact initiated by the other. And interestingly, when fixing a gaze onto another individual some neurons marked the distance relative to another's eyes, but when receiving a gaze yet another set of neurons signaled how close the other individual was. The brain regions in which neuronal activation took place provided hints into how the brain assesses the meaning of the gaze. Surprisingly, part of the network activated during social gaze interaction included the prefrontal cortex, the seat of higher-order learning and decision-making, as well as the amygdala, the center for emotion and valuation.

"Multiple regions within the prefrontal cortex, in addition to the amygdala, are recruited to compute selective aspects of interactive social gaze, suggesting the importance of a more contemplative role during social gaze interaction," Chang said. These areas in the prefrontal-amygdala networks activated during the processing of social gaze interaction are also known to be disrupted in cases of atypical social conditions, such as autism. This attests to their importance in achieving feelings of social connectedness, he said. Social gaze interaction likely serves a critical role in shaping social connectedness, he added, and the prefrontal-amygdala networks might make that happen. "The fact that interactive social gaze neurons are found widely in the brain also speaks to the ethological importance of social gaze interaction," Chang said. Yale's Siqi Fan and Olga Dal Monte are co-lead authors of the study.

More information: Olga Dal Monte et al, Widespread implementations of interactive social gaze neurons in the primate prefrontal-amygdala networks, Neuron (2022). DOI: 10.1016/j.neuron.2022.04.013 Journal information: Neuron Provided by Yale University

One of my long time friends (who shall remain nameless and I'll refer to her as "J") "hates" me because I weigh about the same I did when we went to high school . . . . . . and she doesn't. ("Hate" is a bit too strong but she's been known to say that to my face.)

I can't help it that I'm just not a glutton like one of my long time friends (who shall remain nameless).

I can't help it that I eat healthy and in moderation unlike "J".

i can't help that I eat to live, not live to eat like "J".

When I found this research I thought I might share it with you and "J".

The Chemistry of Joy

Our mood, our outlook and our energy levels are determined to a huge extent by the chemicals serotonin, dopamine and norepinephrine and their relationship to one another.

We feel good when they are in balance. Beta endorphins also create a feeling of well-being, connectedness to others, and emotional stability. They even help us tolerate pain.

  • If levels of norepinephrine and dopamine are low, people will slow down, sleep a lot, have trouble concentrating and find it hard to motivate themselves. They can have a "sluggish" depression.

  • On the other hand, people with high levels of norepinephrine and dopamine, and possibly low levels of serotonin often feel angry, resentful and despairing. They can be critical and demanding. This would be an "agitated " depression.

  • A third kind of depression can occur with low levels of serotonin, which results in people feeling fearful , worried and inadequate. This is an "anxious" depression.

Here is where the kitchen comes in:


  • Sluggish Depression - Eating to INCREASE norepinephrine and dopamine: Eat high quality proteins throughout the day, lean beef, low-fat meats and fish.

  • Agitated Depression - Eating to DECREASE norepinephrine and dopamine: eat the same as to increase serotonin but eat very small amounts of protein. A vegetarian diet would be good.

  • Anxious Depression - Eating to INCREASE serotonin: Increase carbs, eat tryptophan, which is in nuts, dairy, and meats. Eat regularly throughout the day. Get some protein, but not a large amount.

SUGAR (also alcohol) elevates beta endorphins, which may be why people have sugar cravings. This elevation only lasts a short time, because the body metabolizes it quickly. This results in a "low" that follows the sugar "high", and you want more sugar! "J" you can avoid this by eating complex carbs and protein.)

Cholesterol helps the brain make the chemicals we need. So if you are depressed, eat some fat: Halibut, salmon, grains and nuts that have omega 3 and animal fat with omega 6 are both needed in balance.

* * * * *

And so my long time friend "J"

THIS is a brain healthy diet: Fats 30% Sugar 10% or less Caffeine drinks a day, 2 or fewer ( a cup of coffee is 6 oz) Complex carbs, whole grains, lean protein, fresh fruit and dark green, leafy vegetables - A lot!

Y

bottom of page